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Freedom And Authority In Education Pdf

freedom and authority in education pdf

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The article has several purposes. First, it is an example of the contribution that philosophy can make to the formulation of educational policy. Second, it compares and contrasts two institutional styles for the purpose of elucidating the kind of bureaucratic organization commended by the memorandum. Third, the article attempts to demonstrate that contractual consent theory, in and of itself, does not dissolve many of the most serious problems that revolve around ideas of freedom and authority. Report bugs here.

Freedom of education

Some freedoms cannot be tolerated. I met a lady once who maintained that no child should ever be forbidden to do anything, because a child ought to develop its nature from within. And yet every child, left to itself, will sooner or later swallow pins, drink poison out of medicine-bottles, fall out of an upper window, or otherwise bring itself to a bad end.

Therefore, one who advocates freedom in education cannot mean that children should do exactly as they please all day long. An element of discipline and authority must exist; the question is as to the amount of it, and the way in which it is to be exercised. Education may be viewed from many points of view: that of the state, of the church, of the schoolmaster, of the parent, or even though this is usually forgotten of the child itself.

Each of these points of view is partial, each contributes something to the ideal of education, but also contributes elements that are bad. Let us examine them successively, and see what is to be said for and against them. We will begin with the state as the most powerful force in deciding what modern education is to be. The interest of the state in education is very recent. It did not exist in antiquity or the Middle Ages; until the Renaissance education was valued only by the church.

The Renaissance brought an interest in advanced scholarship, leading to the foundation of such institutions as the College de France, intended to offset the ecclesiastical Sorbonne. The state took no decisive or continuous part until the quite modern movement for universal compulsory education. Nevertheless, the state now has more to say to scholastic institutions than have all the other factors combined.

The motives which led to universal compulsory education were various. Its strongest advocates were moved by the feeling that it is in itself desirable to be able to read and write, that an ignorant population is a disgrace to a civilized country, and that democracy is impossible without education.

These motives were reinforced by others. It was soon seen that education gave commercial advantages, that it diminished juvenile crime, and that it afforded opportunities for regimenting slum populations. Anti-clericals perceived in state education an opportunity of combating the influence of the church; this motive weighed considerably in England and France.

Nationalists, especially after the Franco- Prussian War, considered that universal education would increase the national strength. All these other reasons, however, were at first subsidiary.

The main reason for adopting universal education was the feeling that illiteracy is disgraceful. This institution, once firmly established, was found by the state to be capable of many uses.

It makes young people more docile both for good and evil. It improves manners and diminishes crime; it facilitates common action for public ends; it makes the community more responsive to direction from a center. Without it, democracy cannot exist except as an empty form. But democracy, as conceived by politicians, is a form of government; that is to say, it is a method of making people do what their leaders wish under the impression that they are doing what they themselves wish.

Accordingly, state education has acquired a certain bias. It teaches the young so far as it can to respect existing institutions, to avoid all fundamental criticism of the powers that be, and to regard foreign nations with suspicion and contempt.

It increases national solidarity at the expense both of internationalism and of individual development. The damage to individual development comes through the undue stress upon authority. Collective rather than individual emotions are encouraged, and disagreement with prevailing beliefs is severely repressed.

Uniformity is desired, because it is convenient to the administrator, regardless of the fact that it can be secured only by mental atrophy. So great are the resulting evils that it can be seriously questioned whether universal education has hitherto done good or harm on the balance.

The point of view of the church as regards education is, in practice, not very different from that of the state. There is, however, one important divergence: the church would prefer that the laity should not be educated at all, and gives them instruction only when the state insists.

The state and the church both wish to instil beliefs which are likely to be dispelled by free inquiry. But the state creed is easier to instil into a population which can read the newspapers, whereas the church creed is easier to instil into a wholly illiterate population.

State and church are both hostile to thought, but the church is also, though now surreptitiously, hostile to instruction. This will pass, and is passing, as the ecclesiastical authorities perfect the technic of giving instruction without stimulating mental activity—a technic in which long ago the Jesuits led the way. The schoolmaster in the modern world is seldom allowed a point of view of his own.

He is appointed by an education authority, and is sacked if he is found to be educating. Apart from this economic motive, the schoolmaster is exposed to temptations of which he is likely to be unaware.

He stands, even more directly than the state and the church, for discipline; officially he knows what his pupils do not know. Without some element of discipline and authority, it is difficult to keep a class in order. It is easier to punish a boy for showing boredom than it is to be interesting. Moreover, even the best schoolmaster is likely to exaggerate his importance, and to deem it possible and desirable to mold his pupils into the sort of human beings that he thinks they ought to be.

Lytton Strachey describes Dr. Moral evil, for him, was whatever he wished to change in his boys. The belief that there was a great deal of it in them justified him in the exercise of power, and in conceiving of himself as a ruler whose duty was even more to chasten than to love.

Then, again, the schoolmaster wants the credit of his school. This makes him wish to have his boys distinguish themselves in athletic contests and scholarship examinations, which leads to care for a certain selection of superior boys to the exclusion of the others. For the rank and file the result is bad. It is much better for a boy to play a game badly himself than to watch others playing it well.

Wells, in his Life of Sanderson of Oundle, tells how this really great schoolmaster set his face against everything that left the faculties of the average boy unexercised and uncared for. When he became head-master, he found that only certain selected boys were expected to sing in chapel; they were trained as a choir, and the rest listened.

Sanderson insisted that all should sing, whether musical or not. In this he was rising above the bias which is natural to a schoolmaster who cares more for his credit than for his boys. Of course, if we all apportioned credit wisely, there would be no conflict between these two motives: the school which did best by the boys would get the most credit.

But in a busy world spectacular successes will always win credit out of proportion to their real importance, so that some conflict between the two motives is hardly avoidable. I come now to the point of view of the parent. This differs according to the economic status of the parent: the average wage-earner has desires quite different from those of the average professional man.

The average wage-earner wishes to get his children to school as soon as possible, so as to diminish bother at home; he also wishes to get them away as soon as possible, so as to profit by their earnings. When recently the British Government decided to cut down expenditure on education, it proposed that children should not go to school before the age of six, and should not be obliged to stay after the age of thirteen.

The former proposal caused such a popular outcry that it had to be dropped; the indignation of worried mothers, recently enfranchised, was irresistible.

The latter proposal, lowering the age for leaving school, was far more objectionable from an educational point of view, but was not unpopular.

Parliamentary candidates advocating better education would get unanimous applause from those who came to meetings, but would find, in canvassing, that unpolitical wage-earners, who are the majority, want their children to be free to get paid work as soon as possible. The exceptions are mainly those who hope that their children may rise in the social scale through better education.

Professional men have quite a different outlook. Their own income depends upon the fact that they have had a better education than the average, and they wish to hand on this advantage to their children. For this object they are willing to make great sacrifices. This may be facilitated by keeping down the general level, and therefore we cannot expect a professional man to be enthusiastic about facilities for higher education for the children of wage-earners.

If everybody who desired it could get a medical education, however poor his parents might be, it is obvious that doctors would earn less than they do, both from increased competition and from the improved health of the community.

The same thing applies to the law, the civil service, and so on. The fundamental defect of fathers is that they want their children to be a credit to them.

This is rooted in instinct, and can be cured only by efforts directed to that end. The, defect exists also, though to a lesser degree, in mothers. Unfortunately, the successes which cause us to swell with pride are often of an undesirable kind. Neither happiness nor virtue, but worldly success, is what the average father desires for his children. He wants them to be such as he can boast of to his cronies, and this desire largely dominates his efforts for their education.

Authority, if it is to govern education, must rest upon one or several of the powers we have considered, the state, the church, the schoolmaster, and the parent.

The state wants the child to serve for national aggrandizement and the support of the existing form of government. The church wants the child to serve for increasing the power of the priesthood. The schoolmaster regards his school as the state regards the nation, and wants the child to glorify the school.

The parent wants the child to glorify the family. The child itself, as an end in itself, as a separate human being with a claim to whatever happiness and well-being may be possible, does not come into these various external purposes except to a limited extent. Unfortunately, the child lacks the experience required for the guidance of its own life, and is therefore a prey to the sinister interests that batten on its innocence.

This is what makes the difficulty of education as a political problem. It is obvious that most children, if they were left to themselves, would not learn to read or write, and would grow up less adapted than they might be to the circumstances of their lives.

There must be educational institutions, and children must be to some extent under authority. This is far more possible than is often thought, for, after all, the desire to acquire knowledge is natural to most young people. The traditional pedagogue, possessing knowledge not worth imparting and devoid of all skill in imparting it, imagined that young people have a native horror of instruction, but in this he was misled by failure to realize his own shortcomings.

Then the kittens agree with their mamas that the knowledge is worth acquiring, so that discipline is not required. The first two or three years of life have hitherto escaped the dominion of the pedagogue, and all authorities are agreed that those are the years in which we learn most. Every child learns to talk by its own efforts. Anyone who has watched an infant knows that the efforts required are very considerable.

The child listens intently, watches movements of the lips, practises sounds all day long, and concentrates with amazing ardor. Of course grown-up people encourage it by praise, but it does not occur to them to punish it on days when it learns no new word.

All that they provide is opportunity and praise.

Freedom and Authority in Education

All for Love dramatizes the clash between the forces of authority in the world and the desire for personal freedom. The former is represented by Rome under the new emperor Octavius , with its strict laws, military power, and strong central government. The latter is represented by Egypt under Antony and Cleopatra , a kingdom outside the sway of the Roman Empire yet that values pleasure and personal choice. The clash between Octavius and Antony is particularly resonant for Dryden, who was writing in the aftermath of significant political upheaval. In the mids, a group of English Parliamentarians rebelled against King Charles I and executed him, setting up a republic to rule the kingdom.

freedom and authority in education pdf

Freedom or Authority in Education by BERTRAND RUSSELL

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And the right includes not just conservatives, but also monarchists and neoliberals. It is time to retire a vocabulary so lacking in real meaning. But how do we at least ask the right questions about right-sizing government? As a starting point, we know today that democratic governments perform much better in the aggregate than totalitarian or authoritarian governments.

Some freedoms cannot be tolerated. I met a lady once who maintained that no child should ever be forbidden to do anything, because a child ought to develop its nature from within. And yet every child, left to itself, will sooner or later swallow pins, drink poison out of medicine-bottles, fall out of an upper window, or otherwise bring itself to a bad end. Therefore, one who advocates freedom in education cannot mean that children should do exactly as they please all day long. An element of discipline and authority must exist; the question is as to the amount of it, and the way in which it is to be exercised.

Freedom and Authority in Religions and Religious Education

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 - Она отвернулась. Ее плечи подрагивали. Она закрыла лицо руками. Дэвид не мог прийти в. - Но, Сьюзан… я думал… - Он взял ее за дрожащие плечи и повернул к .

 En que puedo servile, senor. Чем могу служить, сеньор? - Он говорил нарочито шепеляво, а глаза его внимательно осматривали лицо и фигуру Беккера. Беккер ответил по-испански: - Мне нужно поговорить с Мануэлем. Загорелое лицо консьержа расплылось еще шире. - Si, si, senor.

Стратмор провел рукой по вспотевшему лбу. - Этот шифр есть продукт нового типа шифровального алгоритма, с таким нам еще не приходилось сталкиваться. Эти слова повергли Сьюзан в еще большее смятение.

Росио упала на него сверху и начала стонать и извиваться в поддельном экстазе. Когда он перевернул ее на спину и взгромоздился сверху, она подумала, что сейчас он ее раздавит. Его массивная шея зажала ей рот, и Росио чуть не задохнулась.

 - Коммандер! - повторила.  - Коммандер. Внезапно Сьюзан вспомнила, что он должен быть в лаборатории систем безопасности. Она кружила по пустому кабинету, все еще не преодолев ужас, который вызвало у нее общение с Хейлом.

 Джабба, - проворковала женщина в ответ.  - Это Мидж. - Королева информации! - приветствовал ее толстяк.

Cato Journal

Незачем настораживать Хейла, давать ему знать, что они идут. Почти уже спустившись, Стратмор остановился, нащупывая последнюю ступеньку. Когда он ее нашел, каблук его ботинка громко ударился о кафельную плитку пола.

Вы должны найти это кольцо. Беккер глубоко вздохнул и перестал жаловаться на судьбу. Ему хотелось домой. Он посмотрел на дверь с номером 301.

В эпоху Возрождения скульпторы, оставляя изъяны при обработке дорогого мрамора, заделывали их с помощью сеrа, то есть воска. Статуя без изъянов, которую не нужно было подправлять, называлась скульптурой sin cera, иными словами - без воска. С течением времени это выражение стало означать нечто честное, правдивое. Английское слово sincere, означающее все правдивое и искреннее, произошло от испанского sin сега - без воска.

THE “FREEDOM AND AUTHORITY MEMORANDUM”: A PHILOSOPHICAL ADDENDUM IN EDUCATIONAL ADMINISTRATION

 Выход в Интернет. Здесь есть браузер.

Внизу фреон протекал сквозь дымящийся ТРАНСТЕКСТ, как обогащенная кислородом кровь. Стратмор знал, что охладителю потребуется несколько минут, чтобы достичь нижней части корпуса и не дать воспламениться расположенным там процессорам. Он был уверен, что все сделал вовремя, и усмехнулся. Он не сомневался в своей победе, не зная, что опоздал.

Он перевел взгляд на слова, нацарапанные на ее руке. Она смутилась. - Боже, вы, кажется, сумели прочесть. Он посмотрел еще внимательнее.

Чуть впереди, у остановки, притормозил городской автобус. Беккер поднял. Дверцы автобуса открылись, но из него никто не вышел. Дизельный двигатель взревел, набирая обороты, и в тот момент, когда автобус уже готов был тронуться, из соседнего бара выскочили трое молодых людей.

Freedom and Authority in Education

4 Comments

  1. Frontino P.

    27.04.2021 at 10:06
    Reply

    Freedom and Authority in Higher Education. NEVITT SANFORD AND JOSEPH KATZ. AFTER about twenty years of relative quiescence, the issue of freedom.

  2. Papoutadis

    28.04.2021 at 11:55
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  4. Jovianne J.

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